Supreme Court Strikes Down Democratic Insurrection Act Amendment

by Archynetys Economy Desk


The Supreme Court’s decision on the 18th to establish a new standard for the establishment of a court dedicated to nationally important cases, such as civil war, appears to have been influenced by the judgment that the amendment to the court specializing in civil war, currently being promoted by the Democratic Party of Korea, is also unconstitutional.

Dae-yeop Cheon, Director of the Court Administration of the Supreme Court (who also serves as a Supreme Court Justice), attended the plenary session of the Legislation and Judiciary Committee of the National Assembly on the evening of the announcement of the enactment of the regulations and criticized the Democratic Party’s amendment bill, saying, “There are still unconstitutional elements.”

Director Cheon said, “I feel desperate,” and appealed, “Just as the National Assembly lifted the constitutional distortion caused by the abnormal and unconstitutional December 3 martial law through constitutional and normal procedures, the judiciary now has the responsibility to end it through trials through constitutional and normal procedures.”

Director Cheon said, “From the perspective of eliminating factors of anxiety, such as requests for unconstitutionality trials or non-compliance with trial by the parties involved in the trial, the so-called ‘revision of the Insurrection Trial Act’ has several problems that we cannot overlook.” The following is a summary and reorganization of Director Cheon’s remarks at the meeting in which he presented six problems with the Democratic Party’s amendment.

“first, Composition of a dispositive courtThere are still elements of unconstitutionality in saying this. This is because the right to a trial by a judge determined by the law and system is guaranteed under the Constitution, but this is not the case (the Democratic Party’s amendment).

(Constitutional Court precedent) 2018 Heonba 209 also states that a dispositive court should not be formed: ‘The trial must be conducted by judges clearly defined in advance by legal norms. In other words, the purpose is that the legislator must establish a formal law, and it is not allowed to delegate it to a person to form a court. Likewise, in the German Federal Constitutional Court, the principle of ‘judges by law’ must be made through normative, abstract, general, and ex ante decisions, and it prohibits selecting participating judges for each case.

Second, when we (the court) distributed the Candlelight Incident in 2009, the person in charge of personnel and judicial administration (Chief Justice of the Supreme Court) said,designated dividend‘ was said to infringe on the independence of individual trials and judges, so it was abolished thereafter. However, according to this amendment, judges are designated in the first stage by some judges (National Conference of Chief Judges, National Association of Judges, etc.), and finally by the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in the second stage. This can only be seen as a regression in light of our judicial history because it goes backwards in history and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court determines the judge to judge.

(Thirdly) It is not generally accepted that the Supreme Court, the third trial, constitutes the second trial court in a specific case. Pre-trial involvementThere is also a legal problem.

(Fourth,) The more important issue is judicial administration powerbelongs to the judicial power, and as stated in the 1985 UN General Assembly resolution ‘Basic Principles of Judicial Independence’, case allocation within the court is an internal matter of judicial administration, and mutual sharing or case allocation is the core of judicial administration. Since this is now being replaced by the legislature (legislative authority), controversy over the unconstitutionality of this part is bound to continue.

The fifth is a realistically important part, and in a situation where there is controversy over its unconstitutionality, is it really possible (the Democratic Party’s amendment proposed as a member of the recommendation committee) Will the National Conference of Judges or the National Conference of Chief Justices participate (in the dedicated court recommendation committee) and exercise their right to recommend?is the problem.

In the last resolution of the National Conference of Judges, it was said that the Insurrection Tribunal Act may be unconstitutional and there are great concerns, and the National Conference of Chief Judges also said the same thing. Will they participate and exercise their right to recommend, or will they receive this and exercise the power of the Supreme Court Justices’ Council or the Supreme Court Chief Justice (final appointment)? If this is not done properly, a situation will arise where the trial will have to be halted for a long period of time due to procedural issues, and the damage will inevitably fall on the entire public.

Lastly (sixth), there is an alternative. Today, our Supreme Court established a standard rule. This alternative can be viewed as an amendment that removes unconstitutionality. “There is an essential difference (from the Democratic Party’s amendment) in that respect because it can prevent an unconstitutional state in which the judicial administrative power is replaced by the legislative branch and can expand the fairness of dividends through random computerized dividends.”

Director Cheon reiterated, “Just as the 12.3 martial law situation was overcome through the constitutional and normal procedures of the National Assembly, I sincerely hope that the conclusion will be completed through constitutional and normal procedures so that there will be no procedural objections.”

▲Court Administration Director Cheon Dae-yeop is attending the general meeting of the National Assembly Legislation and Judiciary Committee on the 18th and answering questions from People Power Party Rep. Na Kyung-won. ⓒYonhap News

However, members of the Democratic Party’s judiciary committee strongly opposed Director Cheon, including by disparaging him or suddenly raising their voices and shouting.

Choo Mi-ae, Chairman of the Judiciary Committee, asked, “Is the dispositive law unconstitutional?” and said, “The people came out to the Capitol Street and helped the National Assembly to lift martial law, and the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court and the Director of the National Court Administration convened a meeting in a comfortable luxury car at that time.”

He then held up the paper with the Supreme Court’s rules written on it with one hand and eloquently said, “But are we going to avoid this with just one rule? Will judicial justice be restored with this!”

Chairman Chu also suddenly raised suspicions, saying, “If this drags on for another year, the people will not remember. The special investigation is over, so are you waiting for that time? What will you do next when it goes to the Supreme Court? Are you going to dismiss the appeal, saying, ‘The original trial’s judgment that there is a dispute about illegality is correct…’? Is it all planned out?”

In addition, while arguing with opposition party members, he shouted at the Democratic Party’s amendments, “No matter how hard you look at them, there is no possibility of unconstitutionality!” and “There is no unconstitutionality!” He also scolded some People Power Party lawmakers, including Rep. Kwak Gyu-taek, in a casual tone, saying, “If the chairman speaks well, just study.”

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