Dver since Donald Trump’s triumphalist speech to the Israeli Parliament on October 13, American officials have been arriving in Jerusalem at an unprecedented pace. Steve Witkoff, the president’s special envoy for the Middle East, and Jared Kushner, his predecessor in this position (and son-in-law of the head of state), were thus followed by J. D. Vance, the vice-president of the United States, then by Marco Rubio, the head of American diplomacy.
Such investment at the highest level stems from the evolution of the Israeli-American alliance into a form of cobelligerence in the war of annihilation of Gaza.
But this excitement in the United States also results from the deep fragility of the « plan Trump » for Gaza, still at the mercy of a resumption of fighting, as recalled by the bloodbath of the night of October 28 to 29, with more than a hundred Palestinians killed in Israeli bombings.
The shadow of Hamas
The impasse in which the United States found itself in refusing to associate the Palestinians to their plan is more and more evident. Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, now that he has recovered the Israeli hostages, is taking a hard line, the only one capable of ensuring the stability of his government coalition.
Even Jared Kushner had to publicly warn Israeli leaders: “With the war over, if you want to integrate Israel into the broader Middle East, you have to find a way to help Palestinians prosper and live better lives. »
The logic of Trump’s son-in-law may well remain transactional, but it points to the obvious: without concrete improvement in the situation of the Palestinians, the dynamic of normalization with Israel of the Abraham Accords will remain broken down, as illustrated by the noted absence, at Sharm El-Sheikh Peace Summiton October 13, both from Mohammed Ben Zayed, the president of the United Arab Emirates (represented by his brother) and from Mohammed Ben Salman, the Saudi leader (represented by his minister of foreign affairs).
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