We are in the era of transparency. The members of the Chamber of Deputies of the Nation and those of the Buenos Aires Legislature, as well as the highest authorities of the two executive powers, left no doubt about that this Thursday and in previous days. The show they offered was a worthy reflection of the state of the situation, the ways, the habits and the relationship system of the political leadership in these times. The grotesque is the genre of the hour.
To begin with the structural aspect, it must be said that the ruling party demonstrated the profound change in the correlation of political forces that caused the victory on October 26. The Congress in which Freedom Advances (LLA) It was a squalid minority and to which Javier Milei decided to turn his back upon his inauguration, two years ago, it became yesterday a passionate stronghold dominated by libertarians and allies. There the President was applauded and the hostility was exercised by the ruling party and suffered by the opponents.
The very relevant first minority reached by the LLA bloc, with the addition of deserters from Pro and the UCR, on the one hand, plus the help of Catamarca Peronism, which abandoned the ranks of Unión por la Patria (UP), It was demonstrated and celebrated in the scandalous swearing-in session of the new deputies. The libertarian staff enjoyed their hour of glory from the boxes they had occupied and from the presidency of the Chamber, without blushing at the provocations and harassment of their rivals by their own. Quite the opposite.
It was a prelude to what even the most stubborn opponents assume will be the extraordinary sessions, in which the 2026 budget and the crucial labor and tax reforms will be discussed.
Regarding the first two initiatives, even the recalcitrant Christians They assume that the official will will prevail. Although allies and legislators who respond to friendly governors aspire to introduce some modifications, especially in the calculation of expenses and income.
The admission of Kirchnerism’s weakness is the most sincere manifestation of realism that has been known in a long time. There is no room for denial. Peronism has the least institutional representation since the recovery of democracy, 42 years ago, both in Congress and in governorships; suffers from an unprecedented leadership crisis, The even most popular leader has been convicted and imprisoned in her house and it lacks figures with any internal consensus and external appeal. Added to this is an adverse climate of opinion like never before and majority support for policies and worldviews that are the opposite of what Peronism represents for the majority today.
Therefore, it is logical that for its leaders it is a cause for celebration that only the three deputies who report to the Catamarca mandating negotiator have split from the UP bloc, Raúl Jalil.
“After that foreseeable escape, in the end, the 93 deputies are in a single block. It is a lot because “We could have ended up divided into three blocks”one of the people who interacts with Cristina and Máximo Kirchner consoles himself. Similar is what they say in massism, where they are happy for “the recognition” that Cecilia Moreau had, ratified as first vice president of the Chamber. After almost two decades of hegemony and epicPerokirchnerism is content with modest achievements and celebrates even the corners in favor.
The appreciation of small things is better understood in light of the bloody dispute that Buenos Aires Peronism went through and suffered unspeakably Axel Kicillof during the treatment in the Legislature of the province’s debt project, approved in the early hours of Thursday after a very long week plagued by conflicts, which were settled with concessions from the governor.
The expansion of the board of directors of Banco Provincia (Bapro) and the give and take of positions in a province with serious financial problems It expresses both the weaknesses and conflicts that dominate Perokirchnerism, even in its bastion, as well as the dominant transactional concept in provincial politics and political criteria, before economic rationality, with which public accounts are managed. Even more so when in this context of constraints one looks at the budget items, among which was added the unprecedented creation of organizations such as an institute to finance film production. It does not seem like the best marketing strategy for a time when fiscal balance is enjoying unprecedented popularity.
However, although they are the most responsible, not everything can be attributed to the ruling Buenos Aires Peronism. The votes contributed to approve the renegotiation of provincial debts (although not the new debt) and the concessions achieved by Pro They opened a new front of conflict between Macriism and Mileismin addition to some suggestive libertarian distraction that benefited Kicillof.
“What happened in La Plata is the same as always: negotiation of votes by places. In the provincial legislatures it is like that. The discussions are more transactional than the negotiations in Congress, where partisan, ideological or provincial interests rule. In reality, in Peronism there is “more quilombo climate than real quilombo”, minimizes (and naturalizes) one of the prominent voices of Christianity.
It is not what Kicillof’s entourage thinks. They consider that The dispute with Christianity and La Cámpora is practically insurmountable and they see in that space the decision to continue deteriorating the governor to limit his chances of being the presidential candidate of Peronism in 2027.
They see it as a strategy that they consider massism is functional, which also strained the debt negotiations and took two of the positions in Bapro. The ambivalence, as well as Sergio Massa’s pressure and negotiation skills never rest. Always looking for a new opportunity to once again be the Peronist option. Its status as the last bridge between Cristinistas and Kicillofistas at war provides it with opportunities.
“The internal one was terrible. They put governance at stake for Axel and he had to give in. The issue is that they consider him the enemy because they do not have any candidate with possibilities and they seek to smooth him over into submission,” says one of the influential voices of Kicillofism.
The intensity of the dispute, as well as the weakness of Peronism, reach such levels that sources from the Buenos Aires ruling party admit with irony and some resignation that since the painful defeat of October 26 and, more precisely, during these last two weeks one experiences what is most similar “to scenes of cannibalism among pygmies”. In its decline, the voracious giant that was Kirchnerism runs the risk of self-phagocytosis.
The recognition that there is a very high probability of suffering new defeats in the National Congress in the face of militias initiatives leads Peronism to look beyond the next three months. March is the horizon they dream of to begin to find some (dim) light in the middle of the night, although they admit that it does not depend much on themselves.
“The situation of the real economy is very critical and cannot be sustained like this for long. We have to wait for the second quarter. Those who are allies or functional today will probably have to review their positions. The same as part of society. We trust in the Government’s ability to make mistakes and in the negative effects of its economic policies, which are going to begin to be felt a lot,” says a Perokirchnerist source with access to the San José 1111 prison house, who maintains contacts with massism and with Kicillofist ministers and mayors.
Peronism’s bet is to the official mistake, while they try to find and agree on some alternative proposals, without showing themselves as refractory to all the Government’s reforms. They know that there is no social ceiling for that. But for now, they are just tentative.
The problems, however, are not just Peronism. In its moment of greatest weakness, the Macrismo added a conflict with LLA over the two positions that the opposition renewed on the Bapro board of directors. Thanks to a play designed by Cristian Ritondokept those places and prevented them from going to libertarians. A problem for the brand new Mileist Interior Minister, Diego Santilliwhich lost at the hands of its (former?) partners the spaces that the libertarians wanted to give them.
The relationship after the successful excursion washed fishing that he did Patricia Bullrich to continue thinning the Pro block in Deputies is not the best. He stirred up wounds left over from the electoral assembly. “They should not complain about Bapro, just as we did not complain when they harmed us in the closing of lists or when they came to buy deputies“, they argue near Ritondo.
This, again, is just beginning.. Now are the days of the Mileist jubilee, which freely enjoys its renewed power, watching the scenes of cannibalism among pygmies, offered to them by the Peronist opposition.
