The United Kingdom and the European Union have finally found a space of flexibility where they can rebuild their maltrecha relationship without stirring too much to the populist right that made the flag of the Brexit or lift suspicions between the members of the community club that, as in the time of Boris Johnson, they suspicion of the London’s attempts to eat cake without paying its part.
In just two months, Keir Starmer’s labor government has closed its first bilateral treaty with Brussels, ambitious and defined as a “restart” of relations with defense, fishing agreements, customs controls and youth mobility; He has signed a pact with France to coordinate the capacity of nuclear deterrence of both countries, as well as to collaborate in the fight against irregular immigration, and has sealed with Germany a mutual defense alliance that symbolically reinforces the NATO umbrella.
The geopolitical instability and uncertainty that the Ukraine War, the threat shadow of Vladimir Putin over Europe and the detachment of Donald Trump to the security of the continent have ended up being, paradoxically, the acicate to bring London to Brussels and towards most of the EU capitals.
“The moment does not claim nostalgia or hurry to reunify, but a constructive restart, with an eye onwards. There is a common understanding that accepts that institutional ties have changed, but that shared values, democratic commitments and practical cooperation are still alive,” says Vera Spyrakou, visiting researcher of the European Institute of the London School of Economics.
Cooperation in Defense
Before winning the parliamentary elections of just over a year ago and ending 14 years of conservative governments, the Labor Party had already promised a prudent reparation of all the destruction caused by Brexit. But it also made clear several red lines: a reincorporation would not be raised to the EU, the re -entry into the internal market or in the common customs space would not be discussed and the freedom of movement of people in the Schengen space would not be recovered.
In that limited space, that it was intended to avoid the resurrection of the agrio years of internal political division that caused the divorce of Brussels, Starmer set priorities: the reunion with Europe would begin with the defense policy. The United Kingdom is, together with France (and more and more, Germany), a central power in the NATO European flank. Washington’s detachment to the continent’s collective defense commitment has led the EU to raise ambitious plans to rear. The moment has been perfect for London to attach to the new strategy.
“In times of global instability, and when our continent faces its greatest threat in generations, in Europe we remain together. And a strong relationship between the EU and the United Kingdom is important for it,” said in London on May 19 the president of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen, after the signing of the first bilateral treaty with London, which contemplated the joint financing of the necessary financing of the necessary rear. and a common security strategy.
“Since the British government changed, it is increasing Reland, senior researcher at the UK In A Changing Europe Analysis Center.
A state visit to the United Kingdom of Emmanuel Macron, with all the pomp that the British know how to incorporate these official acts, served to successfully close a bilateral treaty that would have been unthinkable years ago, when the president of France referred to the then prime minister, Boris Johnson, as a “clown.”
NATO’s two nuclear powers announced their decision to take an explicit and historical step to coordinate their atomic arms capacity. The so -called Northwood statement (in reference to the military base where both leaders met) clearly expressed the will of both nations to add forces in nuclear deterrence, a step that France had always been very suspicious to give.
Next to the nuclear agreement, London and Paris took a step forward in the collaboration against irregular immigration. Although it is still a pilot project, with limited exchange figures, the French government first agreed for the United Kingdom to return people arriving irregularly to the English coast.
Although of less relevance, the bilateral pact reached between Starmer and the German Chancellor, Friedrich Merz, in mid -July, also drags a huge symbolism. The so -called Kensington treaty forces both countries to “help each other, included by military means, in case of armed attack against the other.” NATO, to which both belong, already contemplates that mutual defense, but in times of uncertainty no reinforcement in the intentions left over. Berlin has also achieved a greater commitment in London to facilitate mobility between the two countries of students and professionals.
The United Kingdom and the EU have drastically changed attitude, with the intention of abandoning all nostalgia and trying to get the best fruits of a future that forces them to understand each other. “To forge a special relationship, the EU will have to show some flexibility and start treating the United Kingdom as more than a third country not member of the club. Starmer, meanwhile, must stop worrying about the idea that British citizens are allergic to a closer relationship with the block,” says Hugo Dixon, founder of Breakingviews and one of the most active voices in favor of the EU during the hard years of debate around Brexit. “The truth is that only 30% of the population of the United Kingdom think now that it was correct to vote in favor of the EU exit, according to Yougov. Almost two thirds want a closer relationship. 55% would even want to incorporate again. I think the time has come to think big,” the expert bets.
