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Well, I like that. After crushing Theresa May's Brexit deal in the toughest defeat for a British parliamentary government, MPs voted narrowly to regain it after they gave in to conservative hardliners and promised to return to Brussels looking to changes to the Irish backstop.
Brady's amendment, which seeks to replace the backstop with unspecified "alternative schemes", was adopted by 317 votes before 301, with May promising to re-enter into a renegotiated withdrawal agreement by 13 February to give parliamentarians a second "meaningful vote" could keep. on Valentine's Day.
The Eurosceptic press in Great Britain greeted the "triumph of Theresa", but European politicians and especially the continental media were fading and condemned the prime minister as weak, unreliable and above all willing to accept the unity of her own party over the interests of to place her land. The EU would not play a ball, they warned.
It did not work. Chief negotiator Michel Barnier vigorously said that the backstop was needed "as it is", while EU council president Donald Tusk said the deal was "not open to renegotiation" and May told a "frank" phone call that no talk could start without a concrete plan of Downing Street with clear parliamentary support.
As no plans were made across the EU, May warned MEPs that their voice had not killed the prospect of a UK crash. Officials in Brussels said that a Brexit without a deal is more likely because the prime minister will not have the political courage to ask for a long Brexit delay, which she believes she needs.
Hardline Brexiters soon reinforced the ante and let May know that the only backstop proposal they would support is a version of the so-called "Malthouse compromise" (apparently known in Brussels as "the madhouse compromise"), which would remove the mechanism from to conclude the treaty.
With another 53 days to go, the government set up a new working group to explore options – including new technology – to avoid a hard line, but EU negotiator Sabine Weyand quickly cracked down and said concessions on border controls through the EU (what Brexiters described as "goodwill") comes down to dereliction of duty.
Since talks between May and the Labor leader, Jeremy Corbyn, probably did not want to soften her red lines, she set out to convince rebel Labor MPs from leave-voting constituencies with offers of improved workers' rights and even cash, making them split and shadow chancellor John McDonnell stayed behind. accuse her of pork-barrel politics.
And of course the good news kept coming: Nissan mentioned the Brexit's worries in its decision not to build the new X-Trail in Sunderland (despite a promise of 60 million euros for the 2016 government); the Institute for Directors said that one in three UK companies could move abroad; the government is preparing to rot waste heaps after the Brexit, and a few Sunday writers estimate that the Queen would be evacuated from London if it were all truly pear-shaped.
The The EU does not look forward at this stage on the backstop: it considers the negotiations to be closed and that everything that is possible is a form of additional legal certainty or perhaps a reformulation of the political statement – but not the 585 page & # 39; s retraction agreement itself.
Neither option, in the opinion of both Martin Selmayr, the Secretary-General of the European Commission, and British members of the Commx Brexit Commission who met on Monday in Brussels to meet him, is likely to convince Tory Brexit hardliners in the ERG group to come back. the agreement.
If the UK does not go bankrupt without a deal, an extension of Article 50 now seems inevitable – except that May has repeatedly promised that the UK will leave the EU on 29 March, making it difficult for it to demand additional time. Many MPs fear that they are deliberately running around the clock, with the aim of forcing parliament to support its deal at the last minute as the only alternative to a deal.
But this is getting more and more resistance from ministers like the company secretary, Greg Clark, who wants clarity in mid-February. And even if the government eventually asks for an extension, the EU may disagree along its length, possibly up to a year, to make sure that there are no repetitions of the current chaos. The threat of a Brexit without a deal therefore remains very real.
The best of the rest
In the Guardian, Zoe Williams is of the opinion that the Brexit is a particularly brutal break in a rom com, except that it is not even funny …
He has been complaining since forever and she does not think much will come of it. Imagine her surprise when he suddenly leaves. Gobramacked, she appeals to his common sense, the long, rich history of their two and a half years, their couples-together railcard: but his heart wants what it wants and he is off. But he is not. For ages it is not clear what he wants, he just stands in front of the window and yells: "I could have everyone! Girls will stand in line to go out with me." I am agile, see. few pounds could get lost. "It is annoying, but also very emancipating because it reconciles her much faster with his departure than she could have ever imagined. His personal care takes a downward turn. Now he says he wants "friends with benefits," and she says, "Of course, I have nothing against the strange shag, we were reasonably compatible in that one area." But honey, that's not what he means. He wants everything the same as before – the same roof, changing Amazon accounts, shared diaries, weddings as a couple – just none of her stupid rules to make decisions together. And if she does not fall back, he stops using his psoriasis medication. See how she likes it.
And Jonathan Lis argues that the need to extend Article 50 is now clear, except that May does not dare to say:
By Brexit's sight glass, the clearer something is, the more imperceptible it becomes. As with the non-negotiability of the backstop, the need to postpone Article 50 is no doubt obvious. Because ministers refuse to say it, the media have to surrender to their upheaval as an exaggerated nanny for a spoiled child. But the problems are just starting. Once the government has admitted that it is necessary to postpone, someone will have to go further and acknowledge the damage of the entire Brexit. After three years of lies, manipulation and double-talk, which senior minister will finally break the spell and tell the truth?
Actor and screenwriter David Schneider delivers his well-considered opinion: