David Lidington is considered someone who has no enemies – and he knows his way around Brussels. However, what speaks against the vice-party leader of the Tories: He was convinced "Remainer".
David Lidington is commonly referred to as the "de facto representative" of Theresa May, which is in many ways an auxiliary construction. In fact, he is the "deputy leader" of the Tories, ie vice-party leader of the conservative party and in this sense deputy party leader, which – still – is called Theresa May. In addition, Lidington, who likes to be called "the gray man" in the media, because he works as efficiently as inconspicuously in the background, as Minister of the Cabinet Office holds a central position in the government, which would probably be comparable in Germany with the Chancellery Minister. But these are just titles. The real significance in the British policy of the 62-year-old is hard to overestimate.
Lidington is, and that alone is an art, as someone who has no enemies. He is highly respected on all sides of the quarreling parliament, has repeatedly represented the government in the House of Commons, when May was absent or hoarse – and has not been shouted down. That may be considered a success. That is probably why he is currently being treated as one of the Prime Minister's most likely successors should she be forced to resign. The signs are increasing.
He predestined his position in the Brexit dispute actually not the interim prime minister, because the experienced Tory politician, who sits in Parliament since 1992, was a convinced Remainer, so an opponent of the EU exit. As Secretary of State for Europe under David Cameron, he knows Brussels well and clearly positioned himself in the Brexit campaign against those who saw a corrupt Moloch and an opponent in the European Union. He spoke at that time for reforms of the EU; For example, it would have to transfer more tasks back to the nation states. A resignation is at best an emergency solution. If Europe were open to reform, the massive doubts of the British people would also diminish. Now, years later, he has fought for the EU exit agreement negotiated by May as the best compromise solution – much to the displeasure of the Leaver as the Remainer in the faction, all reject the deal.
The man from South London is therefore not a natural candidate for the takeover of the Office of May, because especially for the Brexitians in the party who demand a hard Brexit, he is clearly on the wrong side. In addition, half a dozen other names are being traded who believe the heavy job of bridging the deep divisions in the country as well as the formation of factions in the party and parliament – and to negotiate a new deal with the EU. On the other hand, much speaks for the fact that the graduate historian and father of four sons has good chances, at least for a few months to pull the cart out of the dirt so – if he really wanted to.
The country may very quickly need a new head of government or a head of government who can build bridges or be driven by personal ambition. A successor, so the current debate, could temporarily take over the office until the fall. In this way, the party would initially be spared a time-consuming, official selection process for a successor to May, which would come at an inopportune in the current chaos of the Brexit negotiations. Six ministers, the Times reports on Sunday, have already spoken out in favor of May's deputy. Interior Minister Sajid Javid, who is also credited with ambition, is said to have agreed to stand back with his own ambitions by the autumn of this year. Lidington, on the other hand, said Sunday he had no ambitions to take May's job, and he sought support from his boss. Which does not mean that he is not ready in the end, if the Cabinet asks him only violently enough